Protestant Participation in the April Uprising (1876)
A considerable number of Protestants took part in the prematurely erupted April Uprising. Many of them were in the immediate circle of Benkovski, Vasil Volóv, and the other revolutionary apostles. Some Protestants joined during the uprising itself. According to Dimitar Strashimirov, about sixty men from the village of Tserovo, in the Pazardzhik region, joined Benkovski’s detachment under the leadership of Tsvyatko Brŭshkov. At that time Tserovo had 120 households, fifteen of which belonged to Bulgarian Protestants. Two roster protocols were compiled – one larger list for the Orthodox, and a smaller one for the Protestants. The leaders of the Protestant group were K. Teliyski and Nikola Kochov. From the same village came Ivan Cheshírov, one of the “tens-men” (leaders of groups of ten) in the Flying Column. Collective memory has preserved the names of two well-known Protestants from Panagyurishte as active participants in the uprising: Stefan Balabanov, who organized the sewing of clothing for the rebels, and Rad Minev, one of the most experienced arms-bearers of the insurgent town.
Protestants were also involved in the activities of nearly all revolutionary districts. Particularly dramatic was the fate of the evangelist Stoil Findzhikov, the master craftsman of the “cherry-wood cannons,” who became a symbol of the uprising. As a youth, Stoil had worked in a military workshop in Constantinople, where he learned details of firearms manufacture. On the eve of the uprising and during its course, prompted by Volov and Benkovski, he crafted and refined several of these primitive cannons. He fired his last “cherry-wood cannon” at the advancing Ottoman forces beneath Mount Kamenitsa. Under the pressure of the attacking bashi-bozouk irregulars, the defenders fled one by one, and some fell in battle.
The evangelist Petar Donchev from Panagyurishte also took an active part in the April Uprising. During the height of the revolt, he served as a trusted courier between the surrounding towns and villages, employed by both Benkovski and Volov. “Petraki,” as the insurgents called him, displayed remarkable resourcefulness, courage, and self-sacrifice. After the uprising he departed for the United States, where he studied theology, later returning to Bulgaria as pastor in Chirpan. Yet he remained throughout his life a passionate patriot and tireless public figure. He declined every offer of praise or reward after the Liberation with the simple words that “whatever he had done, he had done for God and for the Fatherland.”
In the early summer days of 1876, there existed a real danger that the bloody sacrifice of the Bulgarian people would be silenced. Had this occurred, the central idea of the revolutionary movement – and the sacrifice of tens of thousands – would have faded ingloriously into obscurity. At precisely this moment, Bulgarians from Pazardzhik and Plovdiv succeeded in secretly sending the first accurate and detailed descriptions of the events in the rebellious regions to the Protestant missionaries in Constantinople. A decisive man – Father Tilev of Pazardzhik – was the first to describe the massacres, the fires, the hangings, the mass slaughter of defenseless people, and the full horror experienced by the population in the affected districts. He entrusted the packet of writings to the Croat Ilitch, director of the Austrian post in Plovdiv, asking him to forward it to a friend in Constantinople who would deliver it personally to Dr. Albert Long. The first description was soon followed by a second and a third. Reports and accounts began to appear from other sources as well. Ivan Ev. Geshov of Plovdiv also sent a letter through Andrei Tsanov to Dr. Long, writing, among other things: “Many villages in the Pazardzhik region are in flames and the people are being exterminated. Is there no help or protection for them from somewhere?”
With the help of Andrei Tsanov, Dr. Long translated the letters into English and consulted Dr. George Washburn, director of Robert College. The two agreed that Dr. Long would systematize the shocking materials arriving in Constantinople, while Dr. Washburn would bring them to the attention of influential English and American figures in the Ottoman capital. Thus, the information reached Edwin Pears, an English barrister and correspondent for the Daily News, who sent the first alarming reports. The London editorial office initially refused to believe the atrocious descriptions and demanded telegraphic confirmation from Pears himself. Only then, on 23 June 1876, did the Daily News publish the first horrifying accounts of the tragedy of the Bulgarian people.
Dr. Long and Dr. Washburn presented the matter to the British ambassador Henry Elliot and the American minister Horace Maynard. Elliot stated that the matter had to be investigated and verified before being taken “seriously.” Undeterred, the two missionaries sent a second, even more detailed report to the Daily News, insisting that Britain intervene on behalf of the suffering Christian population. Gradually, the Disraeli–Beaconsfield government was cornered, and the prime minister attempted to deflect the issue by declaring in Parliament that “all this commotion is nothing but coffeehouse gossip.” This statement, however, marked the beginning of the crisis’ most intense phase.
More and more dispatches appeared in the Daily News and in a growing number of British and European newspapers. The Daily Mail sent the well-known American journalist Januarius MacGahan – then in London – to visit the sites of the atrocities and report his findings. Disraeli, for his part, ordered an “urgent inquiry” by the British Embassy in Constantinople. The ambassador entrusted the task to the youngest member of the mission, Walter Baring, along with his father-in-law, Fr. Gauracino, a Levantine, retired British consul, and significant debtor to the Ottoman state.
To the American missionaries it was clear that this move sought to obscure the truth about the massacre of an entire people. They immediately visited Minister Maynard again, insisting that the newly arrived first secretary and U.S. consul general in Constantinople, Eugene Schuyler, depart for the burned and blood-soaked regions of Bulgaria. This was also necessary because they feared that the Ottoman government would refuse permission for Baring to carry out his mission.
Minister Maynard expressed his profound sympathy for the Bulgarian people but explained that his duties in Constantinople did not include intervention in the political affairs of the empire, being limited exclusively to the promotion of “commercial relations.” In his view, only one Great Power – Britain – could exert real influence over Turkey. Dr. Washburn, exasperated, rose from his chair and firmly declared: “I am going directly to the telegraph office to inform the President of the United States that his representative in Turkey refuses to lift a finger to save an entire nation of suffering Christians. And I shall report the same to the American press.” The minister was compelled to ask Washburn to return to his office. With the assistance of Dr. Long, they devised a “skillful maneuver”: Eugene Schuyler would travel to Adrianople and the province “to identify and appoint a suitable correspondent for commercial matters.” Thus, the ground was prepared. Upon MacGahan’s arrival, the two Americans, both fluent in Russian, together with Petar Dimitrov, a graduate of Robert College and secretary of the newspaper Zornitsa, set out for the devastated regions of Bulgaria. They were later joined by the Russian consul in Adrianople, Prince Tsertelev.
Meanwhile, Dr. Jacob Clarke of Plovdiv was the first foreigner to visit Batak immediately after the massacre, accompanied by Pastor Nikola Boyadzhiev of Panagyurishte. Amid the ghastly scene and overwhelming stench, they placed in their suitcase several heads of children and women – still with their hair braided – and carried them back to Plovdiv. These were physical proofs intended to confront certain foreign skeptics, influenced by Ottoman officials, who claimed that the victims had been “rebels” whom the Turks were obliged to eliminate “to preserve order.” Dr. Clarke visited several consuls in Plovdiv and began taking out the severed heads one by one, asking: “Is this a rebel? And is this a rebel?” Britain, and soon all of Europe, recoiled in horror at the slaughter. One of the most renowned British war correspondents, Archibald Forbes, wrote:
“MacGahan accomplished brilliantly his mission of exposing the Turkish atrocities in Bulgaria in 1876. I know of nothing in journalism that surpasses, in language, pathos, and flaming indignation, writing that passed so spontaneously from heart to heart. His call stirred William Gladstone to a convulsive paroxysm of revulsion at the barbarities. It stirred England to the depths of her national soul. You could see people traveling on the railways reading those reports with burning faces and tears in their eyes.”
Throughout this entire dramatic period Dr. Albert Long, though remaining in Constantinople, continued – literally day and night – his efforts on behalf of the Bulgarian people. Even when, at the end of 1876 and the beginning of 1877, certain forces sabotaged the work of the Constantinople Conference of the Great Powers, which had agreed on autonomy for Bulgaria across its full ethnic territory, Dr. Long did not lose composure. He continued to seek solutions by every means available. Washburn wrote of him:
“It is a fundamental fact that, although Dr. Long kept modestly in the background, he was the center of everything that was done in Constantinople for Bulgaria during the massacres and the severe trials endured by the Bulgarians in their struggle for freedom.”
Finally, in early May 1876, just days after the outbreak of the April Uprising, a Bulgarian girl in Thessaloniki – Stefana Lanskova – was rescued from abduction intended to force her conversion to Islam. She was hidden in the home of the American consul in Thessaloniki, Hadzhi Lazarov (a Bulgarian Evangelical Christian from Voden who had taken American citizenship and service). This provoked violent unrest among fanatical Turks around Robert College in Constantinople. On May 6, 1876, Muslim extremists murdered the French and German consuls in Thessaloniki (Moulin and Abbott). The American consul, who was their primary target, survived. As unrest at Robert College intensified, ambassador Maynard appealed to President Grant for assistance who did not hesitate to dispatch an American naval squadron led by the USS Trenton to the Sea of Marmara to deter both the fanatical mobs threatening Robert College and the British naval squadron positioned at the Bosporus. It was in precisely this atmosphere that the large-scale efforts of American missionaries, journalists, and diplomats unfolded during the summer of 1876.
In s similar fashion Januarius MacGahan received assignments from the London Daily News and others to report from war zones, particularly the 1876 Bulgarian Uprising against the Ottoman Empire, where his vivid reports on atrocities. With special attention to the Batak Massacre that had shocked Europe and galvanized support for Bulgarian independence, leading to his posthumous title, “Liberator of Bulgaria.” His “orders” were to report the truth, which he did fearlessly, even following Russian armies without permission. His dispatches became crucial historical records of the conflict and Ottoman brutality over Bulgarian civilian population.
Dony K. Donev, D.Min., is a prominent researcher and author specializing in Bulgarian Protestant, Evangelical, and Pentecostal history, with over three decades of study. His work, including 19th Century History of Protestantism in Bulgaria and The Unforgotten: Historical and Theological Roots of Pentecostalism in Bulgaria, documents the development of these movements, their suppression under Communism, and the subsequent post-1989 revival. Key aspects of Donev’s research on Bulgarian Protestant history include:
Origins (19th Century): Protestant work began in the 1800s, with denominations like Congregationalists (1856), Methodists (1857), and Baptists (1865) establishing missions, culminating in the first Bulgarian Protestant Church in 1871. Donev also highlights the 1871 publication of the Protestant Bulgarian Bible translation. His research, often in collaboration with the Institute of Bulgarian Protestant History, has focused on preserving, digitizing, and recovering documents, including church diaries, photographs, and, in some cases, saving records from destruction during the communist era.
PENTECOST has COME
Azusa Street Sermons: The Precious Atonement
Zornitsa Newspaper and the Coverage of the April Uprising in 1876
In 1872, at the Second Annual Meeting of the Mission for European Turkey, the delegates entrusted Dr. Riggs with the task of supporting the further development of the newspaper. The printing of the Bulgarian Protestant translation of the Bible had been successfully completed, and Zornitsa now emerged as a primary objective in the missionaries’ publishing plans.
After the restoration of the publication in 1874, several changes were introduced – its format was enlarged from quarto to half-folio. The most significant change, however, was the transformation of the newspaper into a weekly. The weekly Zornitsa appeared for the first time in December 1875, while a monthly edition also continued to be issued, aimed specifically at younger readers. The editor-in-chief during this period was Theodore Byington, yet the recollections of contemporaries testify that Dr. Riggs played a key role – both in preparing many of the articles (Dr. Riggs is the author of numerous unsigned publications in Zornitsa) and in shaping editorial policy.
This shift in the publishing strategy of Zornitsa occurred immediately before one of the most dramatic events of the Bulgarian National Revival – the April Uprising. At the time of the uprising, Zornitsa was the most widely distributed Bulgarian newspaper, reaching virtually all territories inhabited by Bulgarians, and had gained considerable authority among the Bulgarian public. The stance of the newspaper during the tragic events of 1876 demonstrates that this was no coincidence; the people behind the publication had found an effective way both to proclaim the Gospel and to serve and support the Bulgarian nation.
Many objective researchers have unequivocally credited the Protestant missionaries and their publication with awakening international attention and public conscience regarding the Bulgarian question. On the one hand, the publishers of Zornitsa transmitted every piece of information they received about the atrocities committed during the suppression of the uprising directly to British and American governmental bodies and individuals, as well as to influential publications in those countries. On the other hand, the missionaries themselves traveled boldly and diligently throughout the devastated regions, serving as principal collaborators in the investigations initiated by British statesman Gladstone. Even more impressive is the courageous and empathetic reporting of the uprising in the newspaper’s own pages. Zornitsa became the sole written source of information for the Bulgarian people in many remote areas concerning the events in the rebel regions. Through Zornitsa, the Bulgarian nation shared in the horror and tragedy of the April Uprising – thus, although military operations were confined to limited territories, the entire Bulgarian people were informed about what was taking place. In this way, Zornitsa contributed significantly to transforming the events of April–June 1876 into a national drama and a collective experience for the whole Bulgarian nation.
From the earliest days of the uprising, Zornitsa reported the mobilization of Ottoman troops and their movement toward Plovdiv and Pazardzhik. In issue no. 18 of 30 April 1876, in an article entitled “Disturbances in Bulgaria,” readers received information about the rebellion in the Panagyurishte region. The following issue, dated 7 May, published a telegram from Hafiz Pasha concerning the destruction of Straltsa. The same issue contained a detailed account of the capture of Panagyurishte by Ottoman forces, as well as extensive reports on arrests in the Pazardzhik and Adrianople districts. Separate coverage was given to the arrest of Bulgarian priests, including a bishop from Plovdiv.
The issue of 14 May 1876 informed readers of Circassian raids in the Tryavna, Sofia, and Sevlievo regions. Extraordinary reporting covered the burning of 118 villages in the Plovdiv district. The publishers of Zornitsa suggested the tension within the Ottoman government by informing readers about the dispatch of official investigators. Zornitsa described the cherry-wood cannons of the rebels, standing against the “Krupp” artillery of the Ottoman army. In its 21 May issue, Zornitsa reported in detail on insurgent actions in the Turnovo region and on the harassment of Bulgarians in the Bitola region. The publishers showed remarkable knowledge by reporting on insurgent detachments in Zheravna and Medven, as well as on bashibozuk raids in the Samokov region. The authors grew increasingly bold, calling the actions of the bashibozuk in the Shumen region “terror.” Zornitsa encouraged Bulgarian readers by reporting the awakening of public opinion in the Western world. The first in a series of materials was published – the speech of Lord Stratford calling for a “radical reform in the Ottoman Empire.”
Zornitsa informed its readers about the arrival of Hristo Botev’s detachment, noting its 175 members and its landing on the Bulgarian shore from the steamer Radetzky. A notice about the death of rebel leader Georgi Benkovski was also published.
In its 11 June issue, Zornitsa printed the full text of the “Proclamation of the Bulgarian Insurgents to the Muslims,” clearly showing that the actions of the rebels were directed against the despotic Ottoman regime, while the Muslim population was collectively addressed as “brothers.” In this way, Zornitsa testified to the tolerance of the Bulgarian rebels and reinforced the moral character of their cause. The publishers were fully aware that, alongside the battles on the ground, a decisive struggle for world public opinion was taking place – and they did everything possible to support the Bulgarian cause on the international stage. At the same time, the newspaper encouraged Bulgarians by showing that their efforts and sacrifices were bearing fruit abroad: in July it published a reprint from the British Economist with the findings of Dr. Washburn’s investigation into the uprising and sharp criticism of Prime Minister Disraeli’s pro-Turkish policy. In issue no. 30, the British consul in Constantinople, F. Fransin, was called “a friend of the Bulgarians,” and his successful intervention leading to the release of 212 imprisoned Bulgarian rebels from the Adrianople jail was recounted. On 3 September, information was published about Gladstone’s newly issued pamphlet, The Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East. The following issue contained information about a subsequent appeal by Gladstone and Stratford to “the conscience of the English people.” Further reports were printed about the numerous relief committees established in English cities and about the donations of individuals such as Lady Strangford and Lord Mayor, who had turned their hearts toward the Bulgarian nation.
Meanwhile, the newspaper closely monitored events in the rebel regions – readers were informed about the arrests of committee activists in Macedonia and about the atrocities committed by the bashibozuk band led by Hadji Murad, who, together with fourteen members of his band, was later convicted by an Ottoman military court. Issue no. 39 printed Baring’s report on “the Turkish brutalities,” followed by the full texts of “The Bulgarian Memorandum to Lord Derby” and the petition of Balabanov and Tsankov to “the Queen of England.”
This brief survey of the coverage of the 1876 events in Zornitsa demonstrates the real benefit of the newspaper’s existence for the Bulgarian cause. It must be remembered that these publications appeared under strict censorship and even during the suspension of Bulgarian publications within the Ottoman Empire. Despite this, the Protestant missionaries succeeded in practically serving the people whose eternal salvation they sought, and in the dramatic months of 1876 they established a model of public behavior that remains exemplary even today. The preserved letters of the missionaries testify that their conduct was motivated by deep sincerity and genuine concern for the fate of the nation to which they felt called to minister.
Dony K. Donev, D.Min., is a prominent researcher and author specializing in Bulgarian Protestant, Evangelical, and Pentecostal history, with over three decades of study. His work, including 19th Century History of Protestantism in Bulgaria and The Unforgotten: Historical and Theological Roots of Pentecostalism in Bulgaria, documents the development of these movements, their suppression under Communism, and the subsequent post-1989 revival.
Key aspects of Donev’s research on Bulgarian Protestant history include:
Origins (19th Century): Protestant work began in the 1800s, with denominations like Congregationalists (1856), Methodists (1857), and Baptists (1865) establishing missions, culminating in the first Bulgarian Protestant Church in 1871. Donev also highlights the 1871 publication of the Protestant Bulgarian Bible translation. His research, often in collaboration with the Institute of Bulgarian Protestant History, has focused on preserving, digitizing, and recovering documents, including church diaries, photographs, and, in some cases, saving records from destruction during the communist era.
Pentecostalism and Growth: The Unforgotten documents the arrival of the Pentecostal movement in Bulgaria, particularly through the influence of the Azusa Street Revival, tracing the roots of early Bulgarian Pentecostal families.
Post-Communist Revival: Donev has documented the rapid growth of the Protestant movement after 1989, noting a significant increase in membership from approximately 13,000 to over 100,000. Dr. Donev has published his dissertation on on Bulgarian Churches in North America.
The Forgotten Azusa Street Mission: The Place where the First Pentecostals Met
For years, the building on Azusa Street has also been an enigma. Most people are familiar with the same three or four photographs that have been published and republished through the years. They show a rectangular, boxy, wood frame structure that was 40 feet by 60 feet and desperately in need of repair. Seymour began his meetings in the Mission on April 15, 1906. A work crew set up a pulpit made from a wooden box used for shipping shoes from the manufacturer to stores. The pulpit sat in the center of the room. A piece of cotton cloth covered its top. Osterberg built an altar with donated lumber that ran between two chairs. Space was left open for seekers. Bartleman sketched seating as nothing more than a few long planks set on nail kegs and a ragtag collection of old chairs.
What the new sources have revealed about the Mission, however, is fascinating. The people worshiped on the ground level — a dirt floor, on which straw and sawdust were scattered. The walls were never finished, but the people whitewashed the rough-cut lumber. Near the door hung a mailbox into which tithes and offerings were placed since they did not take offerings at the Mission. A sign greeted visitors with vivid green letters. It read “Mene, Mene, Tekel, Upharsin” (Daniel 5:25, kjv), with its Ns written backwards and its Ss upside down. Men hung their hats on exposed overhead rafters where a single row of incandescent lights ran the length of the room.
These sources also reveal that the atmosphere within this crude building — without insulation or air conditioning, and teeming with perspiring bodies — was rank at best. As one writer put it, “It was necessary to stick one’s nose under the benches to get a breath of air.”
Several announced that the meetings were plagued by flies. “Swarms of flies,” wrote one reporter, “attracted by the vitiated atmosphere, buzzed throughout the room, and it was a continual fight for protection.”
A series of maps drawn by the Sanborn Insurance Company give a clear picture of the neighborhood. The 1888 map discloses that Azusa Street was originally Old Second Street. The street was never more than one block in length. It ended at a street paving company with piles of coal, along with heavy equipment. A small house, marked on the map by a “D” for domicile, sat on the front of the property with the address of 87. (See highlighted section.) A marble works business specializing in tombstones stood on the southeast corner of Azusa Street and San Pedro. Orange and grapefruit orchards surrounded the property. On the right of the map a Southern Pacific railroad spur is clearly visible. The City Directory indicates that the neighborhood was predominantly Jewish, though other names were mixed among them.
A second map of the property was published in 1894. Old Second Street had become Azusa Street, and the address had been changed to 312. The house had been moved further back on the property where it served as a parsonage. The dominant building at 312 Azusa Street was the Stevens African Methodist Episcopal Church. At the front of the building a series of tiny parallel lines on the map mark a staircase that stood at the north end of the building providing entry to the second floor, the original sanctuary.
The only known photograph of the church from this period shows three interesting features. First, it shows the original staircase. Second, and less obvious, the original roofline had a steep pitch. Third, three gothic style windows with tracery lines adorned the front wall.
By 1894, the citrus groves had largely disappeared. On the southern side they were replaced by lawn. The smell of orange blossoms and the serenity of the orchard were rapidly being replaced by the banging of railroad cars and the smell of new lumber. A growing number of boarding houses and small businesses, including canneries and laundries, were moving into the immediate area by this time. The property marked “YARD” on the map is the beginning of the lumberyard that soon came to dominate the area. The City Directory reveals fewer Jewish names, and more racial and ethnic diversity in the neighborhood, including African Americans, Germans, Scandinavians, and Japanese.
Stevens AME Church occupied the building at 312 Azusa Street until February 1904 when the congregation dedicated a new brick facility at the corner of 8th and Towne and changed their name to First AME Church. Before the congregation could decide what to do with the property on Azusa Street, however, an arsonist set the vacant church building on fire. The structure was greatly weakened, and the roof was completely destroyed. The congregation decided to turn the building into a tenement house. They subdivided the former second-floor sanctuary into several rooms separated by a long hallway that ran the length of the building. The stairs were removed from the front of the building and a rear stairwell was constructed, leaving the original entry hanging in space. The lower level was used to house horses and to store building supplies, including lumber and nails.
In 1906, a new Sanborn Map was published. (See 1906 map.) The building was marked with the words “Lodgings 2nd, Hall 1st, CHEAP.” The transition of the neighborhood had continued. The marble work still occupied the southeast corner of Azusa Street and San Pedro, but a livery and feed supply store now dominated the northeast corner. A growing lumberyard to the south and east of the property now replaced the once sprawling lawn. A Southern Pacific railroad spur curved through the lumberyard to service this business.
The Apostolic Faith, the newspaper of the Azusa Street Mission between September 1906 and June 1908, later referred to the nearby Russian community. Many of these recent immigrants were employed in the lumberyard. They were not Russian Orthodox Christians as one might guess; they were Molokans — “Milk drinkers.” This group had been influenced by some of the 16th-century Reformers. They did not accept the dairy fasts of the Orthodox Church. They were Trinitarians who strongly believed in the ongoing guidance of the Holy Spirit. Demos Shakarian, grandfather of the founder of Full Gospel Business Men’s International, was among these immigrants who were led to Los Angeles through a prophetic word given in 1855.
Henry McGowan, later an Assemblies of God pastor in Pasadena, was a member of the Holiness Church at the time. He was employed as a teamster. He timed his arrival at the nearby lumberyard so he could visit the Mission during its afternoon services.
This map suggests why some viewed the Mission as being in a slum. A better description would be an area of developing light industry.
In April 1906, when the people who had been meeting at the house at 214 North Bonnie Brae Street were forced to move, they found the building at 312 Azusa Street was for sale. The photograph below taken about the time that the congregation chose to move into the building shows the “For Sale” sign posted high on the east wall of the building, as well as the rear of the tombstone shop. Seymour, pastor of the Azusa Street Mission, and a few trusted friends met with the pastor of First AME Church and negotiated a lease for $8 a month.
An early photograph reveals what the 1906 version of the map indicates. The pitched roof had not been replaced. The building had a flat roof. The staircase that had stood at the front of the building had been removed.
In a sense, this building suited the Azusa Street faithful. They were not accustomed to luxury. They were willing to meet in the stable portion of the building. The upstairs could be used for prayer rooms, church offices, and a home for Pastor Seymour.
Articles of incorporation were filed with the state of California on March 9, 1907, and amended May 19, 1914. The church negotiated the purchase of the property for $15,000 with $4,000 down. It was given the necessary cash to retire the mortgage in 1908. The sale was recorded by the County of Los Angeles on April 12, 1908.
19th Century History of Protestantism in Bulgaria
Dony K. Donev, D.Min., is a prominent researcher and author specializing in Bulgarian Protestant, Evangelical, and Pentecostal history, with over three decades of study. His work, including 19th Century History of Protestantism in Bulgaria and The Unforgotten: Historical and Theological Roots of Pentecostalism in Bulgaria, documents the development of these movements, their suppression under Communism, and the subsequent post-1989 revival.
Key aspects of Donev’s research on Bulgarian Protestant history include:
Origins (19th Century): Protestant work began in the 1800s, with denominations like Congregationalists (1856), Methodists (1857), and Baptists (1865) establishing missions, culminating in the first Bulgarian Protestant Church in 1871. Donev also highlights the 1871 publication of the Protestant Bulgarian Bible translation. His research, often in collaboration with the Institute of Bulgarian Protestant History, has focused on preserving, digitizing, and recovering documents, including church diaries, photographs, and, in some cases, saving records from destruction during the communist era.
Pentecostalism and Growth: The Unforgotten documents the arrival of the Pentecostal movement in Bulgaria, particularly through the influence of the Azusa Street Revival, tracing the roots of early Bulgarian Pentecostal families.
Post-Communist Revival: Donev has documented the rapid growth of the Protestant movement after 1989, noting a significant increase in membership from approximately 13,000 to over 100,000. Dr. Donev has published his dissertation on on Bulgarian Churches in North America.
Let the Protestant say the prayer: Protestant Participation in Bulgaria’s Liberation
A considerable number of Protestants took part in the prematurely erupted April Uprising. Many of them were in the immediate circle of Benkovski, Vasil Volóv, and the other revolutionary apostles. Some Protestants joined during the uprising itself. According to Dimitar Strashimirov, about sixty men from the village of Tserovo, in the Pazardzhik region, joined Benkovski’s detachment under the leadership of Tsvyatko Brŭshkov. At that time Tserovo had 120 households, fifteen of which belonged to Bulgarian Protestants. Two roster protocols were compiled – one larger list for the Orthodox, and a smaller one for the Protestants. The leaders of the Protestant group were K. Teliyski and Nikola Kochov. From the same village came Ivan Cheshírov, one of the “tens-men” (leaders of groups of ten) in the Flying Column. Collective memory has preserved the names of two well-known Protestants from Panagyurishte as active participants in the uprising: Stefan Balabanov, who organized the sewing of clothing for the rebels, and Rad Minev, one of the most experienced arms-bearers of the insurgent town.
Protestants were also involved in the activities of nearly all revolutionary districts. Particularly dramatic was the fate of the evangelist Stoil Findzhikov, the master craftsman of the “cherry-wood cannons,” who became a symbol of the uprising. As a youth, Stoil had worked in a military workshop in Constantinople, where he learned details of firearms manufacture. On the eve of the uprising and during its course, prompted by Volov and Benkovski, he crafted and refined several of these primitive cannons. He fired his last “cherry-wood cannon” at the advancing Ottoman forces beneath Mount Kamenitsa. Under the pressure of the attacking bashi-bozouk irregulars, the defenders fled one by one, and some fell in battle.
The evangelist Petar Donchev from Panagyurishte also took an active part in the April Uprising. During the height of the revolt, he served as a trusted courier between the surrounding towns and villages, employed by both Benkovski and Volov. “Petraki,” as the insurgents called him, displayed remarkable resourcefulness, courage, and self-sacrifice. After the uprising he departed for the United States, where he studied theology, later returning to Bulgaria as pastor in Chirpan. Yet he remained throughout his life a passionate patriot and tireless public figure. He declined every offer of praise or reward after the Liberation with the simple words that “whatever he had done, he had done for God and for the Fatherland.”
The numerological slogan “1876 – Turkey will fall” was created by the Evangelical Christian Petar Vezhinov. Serving as couriers for the Internal Revolutionary Organization were Bulgarian Evangelical preachers: Veliko Petranov from Panagyurishte; N. Boyadzhiev and N. Kochev from the Pazardzhik region; Blago Sarandov and Petar Musevich from Macedonia. The pastor from Chirpan, Petar Doichev, was entrusted with important intelligence missions. Ivan Neykov served as the personal courier of Georgi Benkovski, while V. Karaivanov from Chirpan was suspected and arrested by the Ottoman authorities. Stefan Balabanov supplied a significant portion of the revolutionary uniforms, while Rad Manev, a gunsmith, manufactured weapons for the insurgents. The design for the “Chereshovoto Topche” (Cherry Cannon) was the work of the Evangelical Christian from Panagyurishte, master Stoil Findzhikov. At the decisive assembly in Oborishte, he was asked to deliver the prayer for the blessing of the cause for Bulgaria’s liberation.
When Georgi Benkovski gathered the insurgents in Oborishte before announcing the uprising, he declared: “Let the Protestant say the prayer.” The Protestant was Stoil Findzhikov, the historical figure who became the prototype for Ivan Vazov’s vivid character Borimechkata (The Bear Slayer). According to the recollections of Findzhikov’s daughter, Radka Kaloyanova, his prayer was: “Lord God, Who created heaven and earth, Who has helped many who have put their trust in You – help us as well, gathered here today, to succeed in our endeavor.” (Bulgarian Baptist Digest, Heralds of Truth)
The Methodist Mission at the Eve of Bulgaria’s National Liberation
The history of the establishment of the first Bulgarian Protestant churches in Bansko, Merichleri, and Yambol demonstrates that the unforced engagement of Bulgarians in the creation of the first church communities was of decisive importance for the success of the evangelical mission. North of the Balkan Mountains, in the Bulgarian territories under the responsibility of the Methodist Episcopal Church, the process of establishing Bulgarian evangelical churches was significantly slower.
The first church resulting from the work of the Methodist mission was in the city of Tulcea. As early as 1860, Floken succeeded in converting a group of Molokans – a nonconformist Christian movement widespread in Russia during the 19th century – to Methodism. Subsequently, a Methodist congregation was also established in the same city among the German-speaking population. The first Bulgarian converts, however, were won over by Albert Long during his stay in Veliko Tarnovo, and later by Prettiman in Shumen. With the establishment of Methodist missionary stations in Bulgarian towns, and later with the expansion of educational activities associated with them, communities of Bulgarian followers began to form.
After Long and Prettiman withdrew to Constantinople, their efforts were continued by Gavrail Iliev, who settled in Svishtov. After a brief stay there, he began attracting followers, taking every opportunity to travel and preach in other settlements as well.
In 1865, Methodist Bishop Thompson visited the mission and, accompanied by Long, traveled to Tulcea and Svishtov. At the time of this visit, Gavrail Iliev was already serving a group of fifteen individuals who attended his meetings. Encouraged by the success in Tulcea and Svishtov, Bishop Thompson promised to send three new preachers to Tarnovo, Shumen, and Ruse; however, this expansion never materialized.
In 1870, Floken left a replacement from the ranks of Russian Methodists in Tulcea and went to undertake evangelistic work in Ruse. Hostile and aggressive attitudes from some locals in Ruse compelled Floken to depart for America in 1871. In 1872, Long undertook a new tour of Northern Bulgaria and noted the growth of the Methodist work in the Russian Methodist Church in Tulcea and in the congregation led by Gavrail Iliev in Svishtov.
In 1874, Floken returned to Ruse and began theological courses. Among the attendees was Stefan Genchev from Lovech, who was later sent to preach in his hometown, while Gavrail Krastev moved from Svishtov to Pleven. This marked the first significant expansion of Methodist ministry. Some graduates of the Ruse course began serving as traveling booksellers.
That same year, Bulgaria was visited by Harris, the new Methodist bishop responsible for the mission. Following this visit, Pastor Lansbury was permanently assigned to Svishtov and Pastor Chalis to Ruse. The latter’s wife, a physician, provided selfless service to the people of Ruse, removing many obstacles to the spread of the gospel in the city.
In 1876, the first annual conference of the Methodist Church in Bulgaria was held in Ruse. By that time, Methodist ministries among Bulgarians had been established in Svishtov, Ruse, Lovech, Pleven, Orhanie (today Botevgrad), Vidin, and Lom, as well as in numerous smaller settlements (e.g., Aidemir in the Silistra region, among others). Alongside the Methodist missionaries, Bulgarians such as G. Iliev, N. Voynov, Y. Tsvetkov, T. Nachev, T. Nikolov, and Y. Dzhumaliev were active. Despite the considerable spread of ministry and impressive supportive activities, including the establishment of schools, the total number of Bulgarians converted to the evangelical faith through the Methodist mission remained relatively small – approximately one hundred people.
Several factors account for this outcome. First, Methodist missionaries were far less committed to evangelistic activity compared with the missionaries in Southern Bulgaria. Practically, the mission’s success was largely the result of the persistence of Floken and Gavrail Iliev, supported by Dr. Long from a considerable distance. The mission devoted tremendous effort to educational and charitable work, yet this did not engage Bulgarians fully in the evangelical community. The comparatively conservative hierarchical structure of the church likely played a role, in contrast to the congregational churches of Southern Bulgaria, where the very nature of the church relied on the self-governance of Bulgarian evangelical congregations. While evangelical churches in Southern Bulgaria elected their leadership, collectively made important decisions, and actively participated in community building, the Methodists in the north largely remained in the shadow of the initiatives of official church personnel.
Methodist missionaries were far less successful in engaging Bulgarians in church life. Although the missionaries themselves acted as benefactors to many, the Methodist Church was considerably less effective than the Congregationalist Church in attracting Bulgarians to full membership. A substantial portion of Bulgarians who encountered the evangelical message and benefited from the service of Methodist missionaries never took the decisive step of formally joining the Methodist Church.
Dony K. Donev, D.Min., is a prominent researcher and author specializing in Bulgarian Protestant, Evangelical, and Pentecostal history, with over three decades of study. His work, including 19th Century History of Protestantism in Bulgaria and The Unforgotten: Historical and Theological Roots of Pentecostalism in Bulgaria, documents the development of these movements, their suppression under Communism, and the subsequent post-1989 revival.
Key aspects of Donev’s research on Bulgarian Protestant history include:
Origins (19th Century): Protestant work began in the 1800s, with denominations like Congregationalists (1856), Methodists (1857), and Baptists (1865) establishing missions, culminating in the first Bulgarian Protestant Church in 1871. Donev also highlights the 1871 publication of the Protestant Bulgarian Bible translation. His research, often in collaboration with the Institute of Bulgarian Protestant History, has focused on preserving, digitizing, and recovering documents, including church diaries, photographs, and, in some cases, saving records from destruction during the communist era.
Pentecostalism and Growth: The Unforgotten documents the arrival of the Pentecostal movement in Bulgaria, particularly through the influence of the Azusa Street Revival, tracing the roots of early Bulgarian Pentecostal families.
Post-Communist Revival: Donev has documented the rapid growth of the Protestant movement after 1989, noting a significant increase in membership from approximately 13,000 to over 100,000. Dr. Donev has published his dissertation on on Bulgarian Churches in North America.
BULGARIA after 2026 Elections: Putin’s Trojan Horse in EU…
Bulgaria’s President Rumen Radev, a military general and pilot, is now Bulgaria’s new Prime Minister. He has served two presidential terms, and in January 2026 he resigned from office and entered the early parliamentary elections. Radev’s decisive victory in the parliamentary elections is a guarantee of absolute Parliamentarian majority for the first time since 1997.
A former member of the Communist Party, he has often taken ambiguous positions regarding Russia, considering Crimea to be ‘Russian’ and criticizing the European sanctions imposed in response to the war.” Given Radev’s attitude toward Putin and Russia, there is a risk of a pro-Kremlin government at a critical moment — he would be Putin’s Trojan horse in Europe.
DW: ‘A Trojan Horse for Putin’: Foreign media on the elections in Bulgaria
France-Presse recalls that during his campaign, Radev called for “practical relations with Russia, based on mutual respect and equal treatment.”
POLITICO: Pro-Russian candidate Rumen Radev emerges as the winner of the elections in Bulgaria
CNN: Bulgaria’s Kremlin-friendly ex-president wins election in landslide
BBC: The election was called after the previous government tried to push through a controversial budget in December, prompting mass protests which Radev, as president, supported.
FoxNews: Tired of political turmoil, Bulgarians give ex-president a convincing mandate for change
Azusa Street Chronology 120 Years Ago…
JANUARY 2, 1906 William SEYMOUR ENROLLS in Charles PARHAM’S BIBLE TRAINING SCHOOL in Houston, Texas
FEBRUARY 1, 1906 During early February 1906, William J. Seymour receives an invitation from Mrs. Julia W. Hutchins to serve as pastor of the Holiness Church congregation she has founded in Los Angeles, California.
FEBRUARY 10, 1906 SEYMOUR LEAVES the BIBLE SCHOOL
FEBRUARY 22, 1906 William J. Seymour arrives in Los Angeles, California
FEBRUARY 24, 1906 Seymour preaches his first sermon as pastor of the Holiness Church at 9th Street and Santa Fe Avenue. He continues preaching on Sunday, February 25; Tuesday, February 27; and Friday, March 2, while holding meetings at 3 p.m. each afternoon.
MARCH 4, 1906 Seymour is LOCKED OUT of the church
MARCH 7, 1906 PRAYER MEETING at 114 SOUTH UNION STREET
MARCH 12, 1906 NIGHTLY MEETINGS BEGIN at 312 N. BONNIE BRAE St.
APRIL 6, 1906 The group at the Asburry house decides to engage in a 10-day fast while they pray for the baptism in the Spirit.
APRIL 9, 1906 FIRST BAPTISM IN THE HOLY SPIRIT IN LOS ANGELES
APRIL 12, 1906 William J. Seymour receives his baptism in the Holy Spirit and speaks in tongues.
APRIL 13, 1906 On Good Friday, Seymour and his friends lease the property at 312 Azusa Street and begin cleaning it up.
APRIL 15, 1906 SEYMOUR’S FIRST SERVICE AT 312 AZUSA STREET on EASTER 1906
APRIL 17, 1906 The LA TIMES INVESTIGATES
APRIL 18, 1906 At 5:48 a.m., San Francisco, California is rocked by an earthquake. During the next 4 days, the city burns. The first report on the Azusa Street Mission appears under the title, “Weird Babel of Tongues,” in the Los Angeles Daily Times. The Mission begins to grow.
APRIL 19, 1906 Los Angeles feels two earthquakes.
APRIL 21, 1906 BARTLEMAN WRITES “THE EARTHQUAKE!!!”
